Digestive skrev 2024-03-14 21:00:26 följande:
Nej, det går att se på sakfrågan ur en myriad olika perspektiv men det är ur det aktuella perspektivet som jag ser en tydlig partiskhet.
Det är uppenbart att du vill utesluta perspektiv som lämnar Public Service partisk men du saknar givetvis sådana befogenheter.
Din teori eller åsikt kan inte falsifieras. inom vetenskap är ofalsifierbara hypoteser för meningslösa hypoteser som saknar vetenskapligt värde.
De går att falsifiera vilket är helt uppenbart. Ett uppenbart sätt är att presentera adekvata mängder efterfrågade exempel ur Public Services programmaterial.
Skriv om du vill något om dina tankar om fenomenologi och det arv det gett till senare tankeströmningar - det blir nog spännande.
Det är en metod inom filosofin precis som syllogism är en annan. Inom svensk akademi är framförallt Södertörns Högskola en stark förespråkare för metoden.
I övrigt är det fantastiskt att du placerar SD och alternativhögern som postmodernistiska.
Jag trodde som sagt att du missriktat försökte provocera eller möjligtvis skämtade men det verkar inte vara fallet. Själv tycker jag det är lite skoj när när exempelvis individer som titulerar sig som 'antifeminister' visar sig luta mot samma avgörande tankefigurer som tidsaktuell feminism och genusvetenskap.
Om du menar att det tankegods DU använder är det enda tankegods som kan användas för att avgöra om PS är opartiskt eller inte opartiskt så finsn det ännu mer att utforska i vad du menar och varför du menar det.
Det är varken det enda perspektivet eller det enda tankegodset som kan användas för ändamålet.
Att alternativhöger, de radikakonservativa och med dessa också SD har anammat en postmodern syn är inget okänt - det har diskuterats flitigt i många år.
En av många beskrivingar av de post-modernistiska tankemodellerna tillsammans med alternativhögerns dikotomi mellan konservativ/progressiv som är en del av kulturkriget mot 'vänsterliberala kulturmarxister'
link.springer.com/book/10.1007/978-3-030-24682-2
"
Provides a timely analysis of the rise of identity-oriented alt-right movements
Develops a genealogy of conservative thought to contextualize its post-modern mutation
Provide a unique theoretical framework to analyze post-modern conservatism"
www.spiked-online.com/2017/06/15/the-postmodern-roots-of-the-alt-right/
"
You might have been bemused by reports last month that artist and cartoonist Matt Furie had killed off one of his most famous creations, Pepe the Frog, because it had been appropriated by alt-right meme-makers as an online ?hate symbol?.
For many, Furie?s decision will raise questions (and eyebrows). After all, can a chilled-out cartoon amphibian really possess such symbolic power? Why are supposed Nazis adopting such an infantile mascot to promote their hateful ideas? And, most important of all, why do we care what bedroom-bound, live-at-home-with-mum wastrels post on obscure internet forums?
The answers to these questions can be found in Angela Nagle?s new book, Kill All Normies: Online Culture Wars from 4Chan and Tumblr to Trump and the Alt-Right, a thought-provoking exploration of the obscure world of online youth culture and an analysis of the ways it is shaping the political sensibilities of our times.
...But, Nagle continues, ?those who claim that the new right-wing sensibility online today is just more of the same old right, undeserving of attention or differentiation, are wrong?. What marks out this new right, drawing together misogynists, white supremacists, anti-Semites and sundry other hate groups, is that it is situated squarely within a postmodern landscape.
Nagle describes how the alt-right directly draws upon the ideas and methods of postmodern counterculture, especially its tactic of transgression, and its mocking and dismissal of everything normal, normative, hegemonic or produced by and for the masses ? in short, anything that has a whiff of universality about it. Just as hipsters mock those outside of their archly ironic inner circle, by appropriating the look and style of white trash while drinking Pabst Blue Ribbon beer, the new alt-right online culture mocks the ?normies? ? that is, those who don?t ?get? the nihilistic, self-ironic nature of alt-right internet boards.
Nagle argues that the alt-right?s ?ability to assume the aesthetics of counterculture, transgression and nonconformity tells us many things about the nature of its appeal and about the liberal establishment it defines itself against?. This makes sense. Just as the counterculture of the Sixties was pitted against the authoritarianism of the socially conservative, so the alt-right is pitted against the authoritarianism of the the liberal establishment, whose members are determined to control and regulate artistic expression, proscribe who and what should be represented in cultural outputs and what can and can?t be said in everyday conversation. The Gamergate controversy, which began as a clash over perceived sexism in the videogames press, was merely the point at which this new culture war gained traction among the wider public.
Nagle shows how both sides of the new culture wars are the product of the same postmodern Zeitgeist. "
www.theprincetontory.com/read-khoa-sands-26-opinion-piece-the-right-goes/
"This shift finds its origin in Andrew Breitbart?s famous aphorism: politics is downstream from culture. The ?Breitbart Doctrine,? as this maxim came to be known, has come to animate conservative politics and transform the 21st-century Republican Party. Breitbart?s mission was to create alternative cultural institutions to fundamentally reshape the civil superstructure of American society. This mission has been taken up by his protégé, Ben Shapiro, whose media company, The Daily Wire, is openly attempting to become the right-wing alternative to Hollywood. However, this mission is likely doomed. Cultural power is so entrenched in existing institutions that it is unlikely new ones will affect any lasting change. The struggles of The Daily Wire reveal an old truth conservatives know well: it?s hard to build new institutions from scratch.
Today?s culture-war conservatives complain about the social dominance of a liberal ruling class supposedly controlling the news, the media, certain churches, higher education, and major corporations. Through these civic institutions, the ruling class can infuse society with its progressive values.
The right?s struggle against the cultural hegemony of the left has been a losing battle. Yet while the left has gradually risen to sociocultural dominance, the right still has substantial political power. DeSantis has used this power to reverse the Breitbart doctrine: culture can be downstream from politics; the power of the government can affect cultural change. This is DeSantis?s gambit in going after woke corporations (such as Disney) and higher education (by replacing the progressive administration of New College).
A popular target of the cultural right is postmodernism, often conflated with Marxism. There is no shortage of conservative figures decrying the movement, from Jordan Peterson?s rants on ?postmodern neo-marxism? to former British Prime Minister Liz Truss blaming the failures of education on postmodernism and Foucault. Yet this view conveniently ignores the postmodern strains of thought within conservatism which animate the culture war today.
Postmodernism critiques objective empirical truth, instead treating truth as a reflection of power. Those who have social power are able to have their perspectives treated as objective truth and their values treated as objective morals. Subjective identity then becomes the locus of worldview, and the new focus must be on ?lived experience? rather than empirical rational truth. For postmodernists, it is only natural that different identities will perceive different ?truths? and socially accepted ?truth? is only the ?truth? of the powerful. This makes postmodernists inherently skeptical of any grand meta-narratives, including Marxism. While Marxism acknowledges that while ?truth? is bounded by history, identity, and society, there still exists a higher objective truth ? that being the Marxist worldview, of course. Therefore, in Marxism, one can be subjectively correct while objectively incorrect. Postmodernism, on the other hand, dismisses the Marxist meta-narrative claim to objectivity.
The mainstream cultural right, including DeSantis, has largely advanced a defense of conservative values not because they are necessarily true, but because leftism is perceived as antithetical to our culture, nation, or tradition. In laying out his new higher education plan, DeSantis praised the cultural and philosophic tradition of the West. ?The core curriculum must be grounded in actual history,? he stated, ?the actual philosophy that has shaped Western civilization.? DeSantis? opposition to DEI and CRT education programs is not staked on a conception of the truth-seeking mission of the university, but rather on the conservation of a cultural heritage. The preservation of a Western identity is the animating cause for the right-wing culture war; that which opposes the Western classical tradition must be excised from society.
Conservatism has long contained its own strain of truth-skeptical politics. These ideas were developed in opposition to the universalist claims of the Enlightenment, and especially the French Revolution. Writing in opposition to the revolutionaries, Edmund Burke criticized the rationalism and universality of the Enlightenment, instead emphasizing tradition, identity, history, and the wisdom of the ages. While this appeal to tradition made Burke a conservative icon, it also implied a view that regarded values and truth as subjective to different historical and social circumstances.
The modern cultural right can be viewed as postmodern in several ways. In addition to their identitarian defense of values, the cultural right is highly skeptical of seemingly objective power structures, especially bureaucracies and scientific ?experts.? During the COVID-19 pandemic, the right used postmodern critiques of scientific consensus and the healthcare apparatus, arguments that could have been lifted from Foucault. This is in no small part a reaction to the pseudo-religious devotion of progressives to their values ? including scientism ? as objective moral truth, any opposition to which must be due to sheer ignorance or reactionary prejudice. "
quillette.com/2018/05/17/emergence-rise-postmodern-conservatism/
"Postmodern conservatives increasingly regard strong truth claims about knowledge and morality with active suspicion and even hostility. This is because they regard the intellectual and cultural ?elites? who produce knowledge and popularize moral norms as progressive, abstract, and unlikely to sympathize with their concerns. Rather than attempting to formulate alternative claims about knowledge and morality which might have some epistemic and meta-ethical tenability, postmodern conservatives reject even these standards. Instead, they largely appeal to identity as the locus for epistemic and moral validity. This is, in turn, used to rally political support for a given agenda designed to restore that identity to power."
