Israel folkmord

Nu är du så där småbusig igen, Israelkritiker där ...

Israelkritiker? Är det såna där som rycker att israel medmänskligt ska ge upp för att skydda fiendens kvinnor och barn, även om det innebär att fienden fortsätter deras slakta kvinnor och barn?

Du länkar till en simpel högerextrem skribent och hans högerextrema sida som sprider nästan uteslutande islamofobisk propaganda. Du bevisar återigen vilka extrema åsikter du har. Jag vill gärna tro att Israel inte vill ha stöd från sådana som dig.

DEN såg jag också. Inte en enda som tycker att LBTQ är okej, ändå stödjer idioterna palestinierna. 

Stay Woke: Creating a Path Towards Critical Consciousness and Self-Awareness

Theoretical Framework

The theoretical framework for the creation of the curriculum is rooted in social justice. A focus on social justice entails that one looks critically at why education is more unjust for some students and not for others. It forces one to analyze curriculum, textbooks, resources and other educational policies that discriminate and devalue students of color.
When social justice is the foundation in which we create our new vision of education, we can then begin to create a system that does not exclude students of color. In addition, we can create a group of young leaders that pride themselves in the need to apply social justice into their respected communities. Sonia Nieto (2000) defines social justice as follows:

Social justice is an individual, collective, and institutional journey that involves self-identity awareness, learning with students, developing meaningful relationships, developing multilingual/multicultural knowledge, challenging racism and other biases, having a critical stance, and working with a community of critical friends (p. 187).

[...]

Critical Pedagogy

Paulo Freire?s critical pedagogy provided a space for our curriculum to further develop. In Paulo Freire?s (2000) Pedagogy of the Oppressed and (1973) Education for Critical Consciousness, he theorizes on the need for critical consciousness in an age of oppression. The concept of critical consciousness is to be able to not only become aware of the social inequities occurring, but to also link this education to action. Freire exposed a ?banking system? style of education. The banking system can be described as a style of learning in which a student's purpose in school is to passively consume information from their teacher or professor. We purposefully designed our curriculum to break this banking system.

The more students work at storing the deposits entrusted to them, the less they develop the critical consciousness which would result from their intervention in the world as transformers of that world. The more completely they accept the passive role impressed on them, the more they tend simply to adapt to the world as it is and to the fragmented view of reality deposited in them (Freire, 73).
[...]
We defined critical consciousness as the process of continuously questioning and challenging dominant hierarchical structures. We refer to this as a process because there is always space to learn more and we are constantly evolving in a way that requires us to reconstruct and modify knowledges. In addition, critical consciousness links this new knowledge to practice as advocated by Paulo Freire. Our students have the power to be active participants in education for the practice of freedom. Their definitions of self-awareness were a conglomeration of ?knowing of thyself?, ?being woke?, and ?being present.? One of my students pieced all these components and defined self-awareness as, ?being aware of what?s going on around you. Knowing your history, the rights and wrongs that have happened. Knowing what is going on around you today and what can happen in the future as a result of being awake.?

commons.clarku.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi&context=idce_masters_papers

Critical consciousness from a Palestinian feminist, decolonial perspective: A collective exploratory inquiry

Abstract
To date, many studies have documented the devastating impact of the Israeli military occupation in Palestine, which deprives Palestinians of all basic and human rights. Yet, the interlocking oppressions that characterize the Israeli occupation?as those of other colonial systems?are mostly overlooked, with little attention being devoted in mainstream literature to the intersections of race, class, gender, and sexuality within the colonial project. With a perspective informed by intersectional feminist studies, decolonial approaches, and liberation psychology, we explored how women in Palestine resist and struggle against the colonial and patriarchal powers present in their lives and, in particular, the role of feminist critical consciousness in this process. Through 21 research-discussions with Palestinian and international but Palestine-experienced feminist activists and researchers, we explored how the concept of critical consciousness (CC) was perceived and encountered within their experiences in the Palestinian context. CC was explored in its two dimensions (critical reflection and critical action), and its liberating power was discussed. This study contributes to a growing body of literature on the relationship between CC and resistance, and their shared impacts on women?s liberation and well-being within contexts of settler-colonialism. Implications for research, policies, and clinical practices are discussed.

The devastating impacts of the Israeli occupation on the physical and mental health of the Palestinian population are, to date, well-documented (Tanous, 2022; Veronese et al., 2022). Like other experiences of settler-colonialism, the Israeli colonial regime is a persistent social and political structure (Arvin et al., 2013), and constitutes a daily experience of denial of health and well-being for Palestinians. Racial discrimination is spatial, economic, political, and legal, forcing Palestinians to live in precarious, socially and physically isolated places lacking economic, spatial, and social stability (Abdo, 2022; Amira, 2021). Colonial practices include labour exploitation, land fragmentation, settlement activities, displacements, restrictions on the movement of people, and ongoing political harassment and military intervention, making the lives of the native population uncertain and intolerable (Makkawi, 2017).

The colonial project revolves around nationalism, White supremacy, religion, and heteropatriarchy; as such, colonial violence is deeply imbricated with both racial and gender oppression (Alexander & Mohanty, 1997; Cavazzoni et al., 2022; Seikaly, 2021). However, the interlocking oppressions that characterize the colonial system, wherein settler-colonialism, nationalism, and patriarchy converge, are mostly overlooked; the intersections of race, class, gender, and sexuality within the colonial project are given too little attention in mainstream literature, apart from feminist inquiry (Abdo & Yuval-Davis, 1995; Macleod et al., 2020; Mohanty, 2003; Razack, 2002). Even in contemporary feminist literature, Eurocentric and essentialist analyses dominate, replicating colonialist and racist ideologies, delineating an image of women in the Global South that is eroticized, Orientalist, or as passive victims (Ali-Faisal, 2020; Mohanty, 1984). Concerning the Palestinian context, much of the literature exploring women?s experiences is often imprisoned within analyses of internal patriarchy, where women are represented exclusively as objects: silent, submissive, and lacking agency (Abdo, 2022; Richter-Devroe, 2018).

To counter this approach, decolonial feminists emphasize the need for studies to investigate how women in different parts of the world?particularly the Middle East?perceive, understand, make meaning of, and resist the power-based constraints of their living environments (Grabe et al., 2014; Lykes & Moane, 2009; Shalhoub-Kevorkian, 2009). Palestinian feminist literature manages to hold together aspects of oppression and misery while capturing women?s resilience, power, commitment, and pleasure in life (Shalhoub-Kervorkian & Daher-Nashif, 2013; Shalhoub-Kevorkian et al., 2022; Veronese et al., 2021).

Intersectional feminist perspectives connected to decolonial approaches and indigenous feminist theories enable scholars to engage with the diverse impacts of colonization on communities and thus keep the focus on an intersectional analysis of gender, sexuality, race, indigeneity, and nation (Ali-Faisal, 2020; Arvin et al., 2013; Collins, 1990; Crenshaw, 2017; Razack, 1996). These perspectives challenge the too often adopted homogeneous approach to women?s experience to consider the complex, interrelated ?processes of colonialism, globalization, racism, gender oppression and other discourses as interlocking, fluid, and co-constructive of identity and experience? (Mehrotra, 2010, p. 245). Decoloniality implies and requires continuous reflection on power relations (past and present) between the Global North and South, as they have to do with the entire system of thought that constructs the Eurocentric knowledge matrix (Fine et al., 2021; Maldonado-Torres, 2007; Mignolo, 2007; Segalo & Fine, 2020). At the same time, a feminist lens prioritizes understanding the lived realities of women?s experiences, with particular attention towards women?s agency and the multiple forms resistance takes under settler-colonialism?and particularly within the cruelty of ongoing military and civilian occupations as in Palestine (Al Labadi, 2003; Giacaman, 2020; Sousa et al., 2019; Veronese et al., 2021).

This work is a first step towards a comprehensive exploration of how women in
Palestine make sense, resist, and struggle against the colonial and patriarchal powers of their living environments. Before moving forward with in-depth interviews and focus group discussions with a large number of Palestinian women from the West Bank, Gaza Strip, and East Jerusalem coming from different backgrounds (which will be a development of this work), we set out some research discussions (Herda, 1999) to explore the process (or processes) of critical consciousness for women in Palestine, a conceptual key to start engaging in the understanding of this multiple-system oppression (Freire, 2000).

After a brief introduction to the conceptual and methodological framework that we
adopted, we move on to present our research-discussions and their main themes. First, though, in line with the chosen feminist and decolonial perspectives, we believe that a moment dedicated to our positioning is essential (Nagar & Geiger, 2007; Sultana, 2007). Indeed, we believe that our commitment to critical, decolonial, and transnational feminist research must include a process of self-reflection, recognizing that we are part of the myriad dimensions of power that influence our subjectivities, and so also our thinking and writing. We, the five coauthors of this paper, work and write together as scholars and activists engaged?some for longer and some for less time?in critical, feminist, and participatory research. This work was co-constructed in the encounter between the three authors located in the First World?two European and one from the United States, two women and one man?and the two authors from Palestine (one from East Jerusalem and one from the West Bank, both women). All authors are academics at public tertiary institutions (one doctorate, one postdoc, two associate professors, one full professor), and three practice as psychologists or psychotherapists in the private sector in Italy and Palestine. The group itself allowed for continuous questioning, in the writing of this work, of elitist versions of history and science, which respond to dominant interests; it also aided in the continuous attention and drive toward counternarratives. Indeed, we believe that research can be defined as feminist, critical, and psycho-politically valid only when we as researchers abandon a naive and neutral approach, respect women?s choices (Shalhoub-Kevorkian et al., 2022), declare our positioning, and engage in self-reflection that allows us to question the basis of our knowledge, training, and practice (Lokot, 2021). Finally, in the knowledge that feminism opposes all forms of domination (hooks, 1984) and is intrinsically political (Macleod et al., 2020), we acknowledge and claim the choice of an unbalanced and politically positioned language within this work.

Critical consciousness (CC)

The process of critical consciousness (CC) refers to ?learning to perceive social, political, and economic contradictions, and to take action against the oppressive elements of reality? (Freire, 2000, p. 35). Developed by the Brazilian pedagogue Paulo Freire, the critical consciousness (Conscientizacão) process refers to the possibility of decoding everyday conditions of subjugation and discovering their relation to dominant paradigms that results in experiencing discrimination and helplessness (Bryant-Davis & MooreLobban, 2020). Within Black feminist thought, the idea of CC pushed women, and feminism, to move from personal experiences of oppression and liberation to deeper understandings of oppression that take into account the arrangement of society as a whole, including global dynamics of power and oppression, and that honour the project of collective voice and action (hooks, 1984).

Although still incompletely operationalized (for an insight into attempts at operationalization, see Diemer et al., 2017), CC has been conceptualized as consisting of two main dimensions: critical reflection and critical action. Critical reflection refers to the awareness of the historical and systemic ways by which oppression and inequity exist and unfold. It thus provides a reading of the world capable of including the relationships between personal contexts and social forces that limit access to opportunities and resources and thus perpetuate injustice, limiting people?s agency and well-being (Jemal, 2017). The second dimension, critical action, refers to the participation in an action, individual or collective, aimed at contesting or challenging the perceived inequalities and oppressions (Campbell & MacPhail, 2002; Diemer et al., 2021). The dynamics between the components is intended to be circular, although critical reflection is always understood as a precursor of action, as people act after becoming aware of the injustices of their social conditions (Diemer et al., 2021; Jemal, 2017). Critical reflection helps to counter possible analyses related to self-blaming and other individualistic explanations of inequality by focusing on structural causes related to racial/ethnic, religious, socioeconomic, and gender inequalities in health, well-being, wealth, and other dimensions of human functioning. The correlation between a deeper understanding of discrimination and inequality and actions in terms of greater sociopolitical participation has also been highlighted by studies attempting to operationalize the construct (Diemer et al., 2021).

Several feminist studies have highlighted how CC is crucial in enhancing collective action and promoting the well-being of individuals and communities (hooks, 1984). Making connections between the personal, the collective, and the political to understand common biases related to oppression through a communion of experiences drives engagement in transformative and liberating practices (hooks, 1984; Moane, 2009). In instigating a move from the personal to the collective, and in requiring that women narrate, together, in a shared project, the facts of oppression, CC has a significant and positive direct link to feminist collective action, liberation, and wellbeing. Oppression is unpicked not only in people?s individual lives but also in the greater arrangements of society, which mirror intersectional arrangements that are not accidental to colonialism, misogyny, and White supremacy (as well as other arrangements, e.g., ableism, agism, heteronormativity), but are indeed quite purposeful and upon which we, as scholars, ought to reflect and act (Conlin et al., 2021; Freire, 1970; hooks, 1984).

[...]

Economics and sociopatriarchal oppression in Palestine: Intersectionality. The economic stranglehold. Participants? narratives, reminding us of the necessary intersectional lens, highlighted how colonial violence, gender, and class are not distinct realms of experience but operate in continuous relationships with each other. Closely linked to the colonial occupation, the economic strangulation was mentioned as severely shaping women?s opportunities for action. In the West Bank and particularly in Gaza, the level of unemployment is very high, and there is very little labour supply. The blockade imposed by Israel on the Strip prevents the export of many products, which do not survive the local market (products would need to be exported, but export is prevented by the blockade). This leads to many women being unable to be economically selfsufficient and to provide for their families, generating feelings of powerlessness and helplessness: ?Economic difficulties are also impacting the living conditions and the willingness to resist? (KI-20). From another perspective, some respondents highlighted how the economic constraints on families have also caused a positive outcome. More and more families need two incomes to meet living costs and, where possible, more women are working: ?Women?s status and power are already shifting, thanks to the economy, which is demanding women to go to work. The family needs a second income? (KI-8).

Sociopatriarchal oppression. All interviewees mentioned the difference in power and rights between men and women in Palestine, discussing the inequalities and discrimination present in society. Social norms were highlighted as severely limiting women?s access to resources and opportunities: ?People look at me without taking me seriously because I am a woman. I am a doctor, but they want a male doctor. This affects my work, my possibility to improve, and my income too? (KI-4).

Many rules were listed that dictate the rights and appropriate behaviour concerning gender, in particular how a woman should be raised and act. Problematic cases of discrimination were highlighted in Gaza, where respondents stressed the difficulty of relating to a strongly patriarchal society:

Women have to disappear from public life and the labour market. They are expected to be in the house and take up small space. Around 21% of women are married before 18, while around 30% in Gaza have suffered from at least one kind of violence. (KI-15)

Gender-based violence in Gaza and the West Bank was discussed, and many situations were described where gender violence was difficult to counter because of social norms or the lack of laws due to the absence of a functioning parliament. This type of situations highlight why awareness of the political, structural, spatial, geographical, and patriarchal constraints surrounding one?s life is crucial.

In line with decolonial feminist discourse, the interviewees strongly emphasized the importance of contextualizing violence; that is, they insisted, and rightly so, that interpersonal violence be understood in conjunction with the violence of the colonial project?as a form of what Freire (1970) termed ?horizontal violence,? and which has also been described as lateral violence: ?aggression within systemically exploited groups ? widely recognized as a product of internalized historical and contemporary oppression? (Jaber et al., 2022, p. 1). In line with this framework, our analysis pointed to the perspective among our participants that the long-term Israeli settler-colonization of Palestine has a profound impact on Palestinian society and on how Palestinian society deals with women:

Women are oppressed by gender in Palestine, but it is crucial to understand that this is not cultural but an effect. An impact or the long-term impact of the occupation and the kinds of manufacturing it has done within society. So when young women face potential harassment at the checkpoints when they go to university, that motivates the more conservative groups in society to restrict women?s freedoms. (KI-13)

Like other colonial regimes, the Israeli regime manipulates and reinforces patriarchal forces within the colonized society. Indeed, a growing body of research documents how patriarchy works in concert with settler-colonialism to the detriment of the female population (Gibbs et al., 2021; Rudd, 2001; Shalhoub-Kevorkian et al., 2022). Therefore, the challenge discussed by the interviewees is not only to analyze the structures of oppression but also to consider the political and social contexts that activate, encourage, and mediate those oppressions. Thus, placing this violence exclusively within the Palestinian patriarchal society is not only a misunderstanding but also does not help in building the right tools to counter it.

We must be careful. Gender violence is also a selling product . . . The West would love to tell itself: ?I am helping these women whom their men are killing?; in this way, they can say that ?it is not us, the Westerners nor Israel to blame, but the patriarchy of the Palestinians.? (KI-20)

[...]

Critical consciousness: Is it a liberatory practice?

A lively debate developed in our interviews around these thoughts: Is the process ofCC a practice that always helps, or can it be ?ethically problematic? (KI-6) in specific contexts? Does critical reflection always lead to a thought or action with a liberatory nature, or can ithave the reverse result? May it be less dangerous and more realistic to stay within it (oppressive situation) and find a way to adapt? If there is nothing you can do to contrast and change the situation around you, is not understanding only likely to increase frustration and paralyze action?

If you help people to ?be enlightened? to see their oppression, they are still in it. There is nothing you can do to change it; very little they can do to change it in their lifetime. I wonder, is that a good thing or not? (KI-6)

www.academia.edu/104462

Nej, inte i dessa ord. Vi har pratat om hurvida de har ett ansvar för att ha röstat på Hamas. Det är klart att man har ett visst ansvar för att ha röstat fram en terrorgrupp som regering. Precis som tyskarna som röstat på Hitler. Jag differentierar absolut där.

Alla har inte röstat på Hamas, en del har säkert inte heller förstått konsekvenserna. Det är inte fråga om att vara 100 % ansvariga, men de har ett delansvar för situationen. 

Det har jag ju aldrig påstått. De var nog antagligen inte röstat på nazisterna, eller hur? Eller stöttat regimen när det väl hade makten.

Jag pratar om ca 18 000 oskyldiga barn som hänsynslöst har dödats av Israel. Dessa barn är, precis som judiska barn, OSKYLDIGA.

Jag håller verkligen inte med. Jag ycker tex inte heller att judarna ska hållas ansvariga om staten Israel eller Netanyahu döms för folkmord. Förstår du överhuvudtaget hur extrema åsikter du har? Det är inte demokratiska värderingar.